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 There are growing concerns over the quality of politics in Ghana. Why people choose to support particular political parties. What motivates allegiances and how all that can affect the nature of our democracy and the general good that society benefits from it.

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The chairman of the National Peace Council, Most Rev. Prof. Emmanuel Asante, has expressed worry over what he described as “entrenched positions” taken by some political parties on how to hold successful elections.

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There is little time for Mr Mahama and the NDC to turn the economy around before the December 2016 presidential and legislative elections.

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Last week, the NPP led a brave charge for a new register at a public forum which I maintain was arranged to reject that very proposition. Leading the vociferous charge against disturbing the current register was the ruling National Democratic Congress, supported by parties, most of whom exist only on paper, but have reserved seats at the IPAC table.

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Other Stories

IEA Debate: NPP to introduce ‘Anas principle’ to increase tax revenue
The Presidential candidate of the New Patriotic Party, Nana Akufo-Addo has noted that his government will introduce a new system for the efficient collection of tax revenue which he has christened, The Anas principle. Speaking at the IEA Presidential Encounter on Tuesday, the NPP flagbearer explained that the new system will be made up of “highly motivated professional groups of young people who will work undercover to unearth examples of corruption wherever they can find it.”
GHANA’S EMERGING OIL ECONOMY: - The good, the bad and the ugly
Enter December 15, 2010, commercial production of oil from Ghana’s Jubilee fields commences. The much awaited event is heralded by Ghanaians with much joy and hope…hope for an improvement in the general welfare and living standards of the average Ghanaian. Current production levels from the oil field are estimated to be approximately 55,000 barrels per day, a figure which is expected to more than double to 120,000 barrels per day within six months after the commencement of production. more >>>
IN THE MATTER OF A PETITION CHALLENGING THE VALIDITY OF THE ELECTION OF JOHN DRAMANI MAHAMA AS PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF GHANA PURSUANT TO THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION HELD ON 7TH AND 8TH DECEMBER 2012: Article 64 of the Constitution, 1992; Section 5 of the Presidential Election Act, 1992 (PNDCL 285); and Rule 68 & 68 A of the Supreme Court (Amendment) Rules 2012, C. I. 74 Click here to view entire petition
Africa Rising: Jeffrey Sachs says Ghana's future looks bright
Because of good governance in the past, and now oil production, Ghana is likely to reach all of the Millennium Development Goals toward ending extreme poverty and child mortality. As the small West African nation of Ghana heads into an election year, fierce debate on whether the government of President John Mills has delivered on its developmental goals and promises is already raging. But one of the world’s most prominent development economists says Ghana is proving to be one of the strongest performers on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in Africa and unlike some of its African counterparts is likely to fulfill them by the 2015 deadline.
Responses To The 2013 Budget Statement
This budget statement came at a time when Ghanaians are in darkness, when water shortages are widespread, where unemployment is rife, and where general cost of living is rising. The budget statement should have addressed these challenges head on, but it didn’t. Ghana’s total debt is up from GHC9.5 billion in January 2009 to GHC33.5 billion now. Additionally, the NDC government has crude oil proceeds which its predecessor governments did not have. Additionally again, the NDC government has been getting windfall benefit from the exports of gold, cocoa and crude oil because of the near-record high levels. But what do we have to show for it all?
DI holds Press Conference on gas infrastructural project
The Danquah Institute is organising a news conference at the International Press Centre, Ridge, Accra, on Wednesday, December 21, 2011 at 11am prompt. The Danquah Institute will raise issues about the apparent lack of transparency in the Sinopec agreement for the gas infrastructural project, and its implications to the $3 billion CDB loan facility, and an estimated billion dollars of income losses to the state in oil and gas production as a result of policy decisions and inertia.
I was glad to read the announcement made by World Bank President, Dr. Jim Kim, at the start of this year’s UN General Assembly meetings, about the Bank’s projected financing support through the end of 2015 to help developing countries reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) for women and children’s health. As we move toward the culmination of the MDGs in 2015 and beyond, preventing maternal and child deaths should be seen by all government delegations and their partners in the international development community as a clear yardstick to measure their commitment for creating more just and inclusive societies. But as evidence has shown across the globe, to effectively address the insidiousness of this challenge, a broad multi-sectoral paradigm for action is needed. In some countries, particularly in resource-poor settings and among certain population groups, there are social and cultural norms that need to be better understood to deal with myths and misconceptions surrounding pregnancy, childbirth and proper care of the newborn. There are also geographical barriers, as in rural communities high in the Andean mountains of my native Ecuador, or in the Caucasus mountain range in Georgia and Azerbaijan, where the poor state of roads in a challenging terrain, or the unavailability of transport to a health facility, contribute to preventable maternal deaths.
In recent years, neoliberalism has become an academic catchphrase. Yet, in contrast to other prominent social science concepts such as democracy, the meaning and proper usage of neoliberalism curiously have elicited little scholarly debate. Based on a content analysis of 148 journal articles published from 1990 to 2004, we document three potentially problematic aspects of neoliberalism’s use: the term is often undefined; it is employed unevenly across ideological divides; and it is used to characterize an excessively broad variety of phenomena. To explain these characteristics, we trace the genesis and evolution of the term neoliberalism throughout several decades of political economy debates. We show that neoliberalism has undergone a striking transformation, from a positive label coined by the German Freiberg School to denote a moderate renovation of classical liberalism, to a normatively negative term associated with radical economic reforms in Pinochet’s Chile. We then present an extension of W. B. Gallie’s framework for analyzing essentially contested concepts to explain why the meaning of neoliberalism is so rarely debated, in contrast to other normatively and politically charged social science terms. We conclude by proposing several ways that the term can regain substantive meaning as a “new liberalism” and be transformed into a more useful analytic tool. more >>>
Democracy at a standstill: A report from The Economist Intelligence Unit
This is the fifth edition of the Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy index. It reflects the situation at the end of 2012. In 2012 global democracy was at a standstill in the sense that there was neither significant progress nor regression in democracy in that year. Average regional scores in 2012 were very similar to scores in 2011. The first edition of the index, published in The Economist’s The World in 2007, measured the state of democracy in September 2006; the second edition covered the situation towards the end of 2008; the third as of November 2010 and the fourth at the end of 2011. The index provides a snapshot of the state of democracy worldwide for 165 independent states and two territories—this covers almost the entire population of the world and the vast majority of the world’s states (micro states are excluded). The Democracy index is based on five categories: electoral process and pluralism; civil liberties; the functioning of government; political participation; and political culture. Countries are placed within one of four types of regimes: full democracies; flawed democracies; hybrid regimes; and authoritarian regimes. Full Document
32 Questions for Waterville
I am not a journalist. I was not present at the Waterville press conference. I don’t know if any questions were allowed, and if so whether any were asked. But I have read news stories of the press statement and heard snippets on radio. But these are questions that I would have asked if I had had the privilege of being present at the press conference. Yes, I know that it would not have been feasible to ask 32 questions, but here they are any way. Maybe, these are questions that the Police have asked, or should be asking Waterville.